You can compare here up to three the countries for which a Lethal Force Monitor report exists, on a variety of criteria. For more detailed information, follow the links to each particular country report.

Country

Brazil

Sierra Leone

Australia

Mexico

France

Netherlands

Jamaica

Colombia

England and Wales

Venezuela

El Salvador

Philippines

Chile

Report period

2021/2022201920232019202220192020April 2019 – April 20202022201920222019

Report authors

Dennis Pacheco (Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública)Mambu S. Feika, Thomas ProbertRoss HendyCarlos Silva Forné, Catalina Pérez Correa, José Enrique CoutiñoPaul Le Derff, Stephen SkinnerOtto AdangTarik Weekes (University of the West Indies)Jerónimo Castillo Muñoz, Manuela Suarez (Fundación Ideas para la Paz - FIP)Abi DymondKeymer Ávila (Universidad Central de Venezuela & Monitor del Uso de la Fuerza Letal en Venezuela -MUFLVEN-), Romy Vegas, Rafael Gordon, Mafalda Da Rocha (MUFLVEN)Valeria Escobar, Maya OlivaresJoel F. Ariate Jr., Marion Abilene R. Navarro, Nixcharl C. NoriegaAlejandra Mohor and Nicolás Bravo (Centro de Estudios en Seguridad Ciudadana, University of Chile), with collaboration from Javier Velázque

Summary

Brazilian legislation on police use of force is quite robust. The issue lies in its lack of application. Over time, the use of lethal force has been concentrated in certain geographic territories. There is little legal enforcement on extrajudicial killings in the states which experience the most abusive police force.Sierra Leone needs to amend its legislation to remove overly-permissive provisions concerning the use of firearms, and properly to resource its Independent Police Complaints Board so that it can systematically and transparently document and investigate cases of deaths following police contact.The level of lethal force in Australia appears low, but greater data transparency is needed for improved community oversight.Public information on the use of lethal force is deficient or non-existent for the more than 2000 security forces in Mexico. In a context of growing militarization, abuse of force (and lethal force in particular) by the military raises questions on the advisability of using military personnel in public security tasks.There have been improvements in data publication regarding deaths connected with the use of force by the National Police and National Gendarmerie, but more needs to be done in the areas of data collection, comparability and publication as well as learning lessons.Certain features of the Dutch system constitute good practice when looked at internationally, but more needs to be done in relation to data on fatalities, including on data collection and analysis, publication and learning lessons when deaths occur following the use of force.The concern over fatal shootings by members of security forces in Jamaica is decades old, with a decline in deaths taking place after 2011, but no clear indication of what may have caused it. Deterrent and modernization efforts aimed at curbing these shootings have been ongoing, but wider systemic and contextual issues are influencing the continuity and response to these shootings. An effective supervision and civilian control over the use of force by LEA is still a pending task in Colombia, where there are high levels of impunity. Of the total number of civilians allegedly killed by the Public Force with firearms registered in 2020, the Prosecutor's Office has opened investigations in less than 10% of the cases. On the other hand, in this same period, 134 public security agents were killed by homicide with firearms.Certain features of the English and Welsh system constitute relatively good practice when looked at internationally, but more needs to be done, including on data collection, publication and learning lessons when deaths occur following the use of force.Venezuela is an example of opacity and secrecy with regard to official information, articulated with abusive police practices and linked to excesses of lethal force. Despite having advanced legislation in these matters, the regulatory mandates are not effective — neither in accountability nor in the limits on the exercise of the use of force.While El Salvador previously established specialized mechanisms to increase the transparency of government actions and guarantee citizens’ right to access public information, unfortunately progress is now backsliding.Despite having legal frameworks that meet international standards, the data for the 2022 monitor shows that the Philippines had excessive use of lethal force, with much room for improvement in data collection and transparency by official agencies. Chile has made significant progress over the past 10 years in regulating the use of force by law enforcement officers. A pending task is a regulation with the status of law and scope over all LEAs, which includes strengthening the registration and internal control over the use of force, creating external civilian controls and providing strategies for the prevention of the improper use of force.

Global treaties

Adherence to selected global human rights treaties
1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)State partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState party
ICCPR Optional Protocol 1State partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyNot partyState partyNot partyState partyState partyState partyState party
1984 Convention Against Torture (CAT)State partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyNot partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState partyState party
CAT committee competent to receive individual complaints?YesNoYesYesYesYesNoYesNoYesNoNoYes
CAT Optional Protocol 1State partySigned as state party, but not ratifiedState partyState partyState partyNot partyNot partyState partyState partyNot partyState partyState party

Regional treaties

Adherence to selected regional human rights treaties
1950 European Convention on Human RightsNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant region
1948 Charter of the Organization of American StatesState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant regionNot partyNot relevant region
1969 Inter-American Convention on Human RightsState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyState partyNot relevant regionNot partyState partyNot relevant regionState party
1985 Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish TortureNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyState partyNot relevant regionState party
1990 Protocol to the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights relating to the Abolition of the Death PenaltyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant region
Competence of Inter-American Court on Human RightsYesNot relevant regionNot relevant regionYesNot relevant regionNot relevant regionYesNot relevant regionNot relevant region
2013 ASEAN Human Rights DeclarationNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionYesNot relevant region
1981 African Charter on Human & People's RightsNot relevant regionState partyNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant region
1998 Protocol to the African Charter on the African CourtNot relevant regionSigned but not ratifiedNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant regionNot relevant region

Data collection and publication by official agencies

              
1. Are the number of deaths following any police use of force
 Collected?Good, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownPartial, Medium
 Accessible through existing publicly available information?Good, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo Provisions
 Is this a legal requirement?Good, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, Medium
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustLimited, PoorNot applicableLimited, PoorNot applicableGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?Good, RobustLimited, PoorNot applicableNot applicableGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNot applicableNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNot applicablePartial, Medium
 Reason(s) why unknown or not applicableAlready in the public domainAlready in the public domainAlready in the public domain
2. If published, to what extent can the number of deaths be readily determined from official statistics?Partial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumNot applicableNo Provisions
3. Is it possible to identify specific individuals killed in official records?Partial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownNo Provisions
4. Is demographic and other information for the deceased
 Collected?Good, RobustLimited, PoorUnknownPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownLimited, Poor
 Accessible through existing publicly available information?Limited, PoorLimited, PoorGood, RobustLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo Provisions
 Is this a legal requirement?No ProvisionsLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo Provisions
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?Good, RobustLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorPartial, MediumGood, RobustNot applicableNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, Poor
 Reason(s) why unknown or not applicableUnsure; FOI requests may be refused on certain grounds, including confidentiality.Already in the public domain
5. Is demographic and other information on officers in use of force incidents
 Collected?Good, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsUnknownUnknownPartial, Medium
 Accessible through existing publicly available information?No ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsLimited, Poor
 Is this a legal requirement?Good, RobustLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumUnknownLimited, Poor
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?Good, RobustLimited, PoorUnknownLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, PoorUnknownNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, Medium
 Reason(s) why unknown or not applicableUnsure; FOI requests may be refused on certain grounds, including confidentiality.FOI requests may be refused on certain grounds, including confidentiality
6. Is information on the circumstances
 Collected?Partial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownLimited, Poor
 Publicly available?Partial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo Provisions
 Is this a legal requirement?Partial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo Provisions
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?Partial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumUnknownPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNot applicableNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, Poor
 Reason(s) why unknown or not applicableAlready in the public domain
7. Is information about the type(s) of force used
 Collected?No ProvisionsPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownPartial, Medium
 Accessible through existing publicly available information?No ProvisionsLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo Provisions
 Is this a legal requirement?No ProvisionsLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo Provisions
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?No ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNot applicableNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, Medium
 Reason(s) why unknown or not applicableAlready in the public domainAlready in the public domain

Data quality of official sources

              
8. How reliable are the sources used to produce official statistics about deaths?Good, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustLimited, PoorPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsUnknown
9. Are there mechanisms for internal quality assurance / verification conductedGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsUnknownGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsGood, RobustUnknownUnknown
10. Is the methodology for data collection publicised?Good, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsNo Provisions
11. How reliable are the overall figures produced?Good, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, Poor

Data analysis and lessons learnt

              
12. Do state or police agencies analyse data on the use of lethal force, to prevent future deaths?No ProvisionsPartial, MediumUnknownLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumUnknownLimited, Poor
13. Is there evidence that state/ police agencies act on the results of their analysis, including applying lessons learnt?No ProvisionsPartial, MediumUnknownLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, Medium
14. Are external bodies are able to reuse data for their own analyses?Good, RobustNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorNo Provisions
15. Do external, non-governmental agencies collect and publish their own statistics on deaths following police use of force?Good, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, Medium

Investigations by official agencies

              
16. Is there a legal requirement for deaths to be independently investigated?Good, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, Poor
17. If so, which organisation(s) conduct these investigations?
18. In the year in question, how many deaths following police use of force have been investigated by the organisation(s) specified in question 17?
19. Are close relatives of the victims involved in the investigations?Limited, PoorLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumUnknownGood, Robust
20. Investigation reports into deaths
 Are publicly available?Partial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo Provisions
 Give reasons for the conclusions they have reached?Partial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorGood, Robust
 Is this a legal requirement?No ProvisionsLimited, PoorPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumGood, RobustNo ProvisionsPartial, MediumLimited, PoorGood, RobustGood, Robust
 Can such information be requested from the authorities when not publicly available?Good, RobustPartial, MediumPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorGood, Robust
 If one can request it, what is the likelihood this information would be released?Partial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumPartial, MediumUnknownPartial, MediumGood, RobustGood, RobustNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorUnknown
 Possible grounds for refusal?FOI requests may be refused on certain grounds, including confidentiality.
21. Is there information available on legal proceedings against agents / officials, pursuant to deaths?Limited, PoorLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumGood, RobustLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, PoorNo Provisions
22. Is there information available on legal proceedings against state agencies, pursuant to deaths?Limited, PoorLimited, PoorNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorNot applicableGood, RobustPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorLimited, PoorLimited, PoorPartial, MediumNo Provisions
23. Is there information available on disciplinary proceedings against agents/ officials, pursuant to deaths?Partial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumLimited, PoorPartial, MediumPartial, MediumNo ProvisionsLimited, PoorUnknownLimited, Poor
24. Number of prosecutions against agents / officials involved in the last ten years?
25. Number of convictions against agents / officials involved in the last ten years?
26. Number of prosecutions against agencies involved in the last ten years?
27. Number of convictions against agencies involved in the last ten years?
28. Number of cases in which states have been found to have breached human rights law on the use of lethal force?

Lethal Force Indicators table

I-1a. CK: Number of civilians killed by law enforcement agents on duty, by gunshot561921+9495102702383Data unavailable19538921
I-1b. CKt: Number of civilians killed by law enforcement agents, regardless of means and whether or not on duty6429Data unavailableData unavailableData unavailable262086251175287Data unavailable46427
I-1c. CW: Number of civilians wounded by law enforcement agents on duty, by gunshotData unavailable50+1419512136294Data unavailableData unavailable7658338
I-1d. CWt: Number of civilians wounded by law enforcement agents, whether or not on duty and regardless of meansData unavailableData unavailableData unavailableData unavailable133Data unavailable753.839Data unavailableData unavailableData unavailable83Data unavailable
I-2. CK per 100000 inhabitants2.270.280.0350.390.010.03.10.470.016.63.10.340.110
I-3. CK per 1000 law enforcement agents11.281.680.1462.040.040.45.20.530.126.76.91.000.389
I-4. CK per 1000 arrestsData unavailableData unavailableData unavailable1.46Data unavailable0.032.71.40.056.65.01.350.044
I-5. CK per 1000 weapons seized53.03Data unavailableDa26.08Data unavailableData unavailable129.113.90.8395.657.110.336,209
I-6. AK: Number of law enforcement officers unlawfully killed on duty by firearm226+0119001134Data unavailableData unavailable5720
I-6b. AKt: Number of law enforcement officers unlawfully killed, whether or not on duty and regardless of means161Data unavailable15241714163Data unavailableData unavailableData unavailable1212
I-7. AK per 1000 agents0.05Data unavailable00.360010.3Data unavailableData unavailable0.180.250
A1. Percentage of homicides due to state intervention11.8Data unavailableData unavailable1.40%1%1.47.622.433.38.1048.570.024
A2. Ratio between CK and AK251.81Data unavailableData unavailable5.3310/02/0861.8Data unavailableData unavailable395.4021/0
A3. Civilian lethality index: Ratio between CK and CWData unavailableData unavailableData unavailable2.50.80.151.150.18Data unavailableData unavailable2.66.710.236
A4. Lethality ratio: Ratio between Civilian lethality index and law enforcement agents lethality indexData unavailableData unavailableData unavailable6.570.8/00.15/00.380.19Data unavailableData unavailable7.29.190.236/0
A5. Average number of civilians killed by intentional gunshot, per incidentData unavailableData unavailableData unavailableData unavailable0.50.131.140.150.6Data unavailable0.70.761

Summary and recommendations

Brazil has an accountable legal framework that allows for any citizen to request any information of the government at any time, without having to state their reason for such request. However, while there is good compliance with Freedom of Information Law, the quality of public safety information varies significantly from state to state.

Since every state has its own information system and there is no standardisation in the way data is collected, it is difficult to aggregate statistics and compare police forces. The Federative Union provides a nationwide universal public safety system (Sistema Único de Segurança Pública – SUSP), however it has never been implemented ever since its inception, in 2018.

The use of lethal force in Brazil could be improved through the following measures:

  • Releasing information pertaining to police activity, such as number of people stopped and searched by the police and their profile, number of people hurt in police interventions, etc. Such information could be provided either by the Civil and Military Polices or the Public Safety Department of each state;
  • Providing information via active transparency, i.e. by making information on police use of force readily available for citizen consultation. Such information could be provided either by the Civil and Military Police or the Public Safety Department of each state;
  • Improving coverage on demographic data regarding victims and authors of police lethal use of force. Such improvement could be provided by the Civil Police by having their officers fill out the forms correctly.
  • Releasing data on the Public Prosecutor’s Office’s processing of police lethality cases.

Such information could be provided by the Public Prosecutor’s Office of each state.

  • Implementing SUSP in order to standardise and centralise information.

The legal regime concerning the use of force in law enforcement in Sierra Leone includes a number of problematically permissive provisions.

As part of ongoing constitutional review procedures, which have involved the Right to Life (abolishing the death penalty) and the Public Order Act (abolishing the oft-abused crime of libel), consideration ought to be given also to reforming s.16(2) of the 1991 Constitution, to bring it into conformity with the international standards frequently cited by institutions such as the Human Rights Commission of Sierra Leone in framing their recommendations to the SLP40. In addition to the Constitution, the Criminal Procedure Act and the Correctional Services Act should both also be amended, to make clear that the only acceptable circumstances in which law enforcement officials may use firearms is where they are to protect against an imminent threat of death or serious injury to the official or to another person41.

There is —on paper— a mechanism charged with responsibility for investigating the lethal incidents, the Independent Police Complaints Board, but it is under-resourced and lacks capacity properly to investigate all incidents of lethal use of force. It also no longer adequately reports to the public on its activities. At present the most meaningful investigation and reporting of lethal use of force incidents is probably undertaken by the Human Rights Commission. However, for justifiable reasons of prioritisation, that entity only investigates and documents cases where there is a likely violation of human rights. More marginal cases currently go un-investigated, uncounted, and unseen.

Civil society can fill some of the gaps in the official record. Prison Watch Sierra Leone has undertaken to create an ongoing “use of force tracker”, based upon media reports and its existing network of custody monitors.

However, civil society monitoring cannot fully supply the rigour (and access or authority) of an official body. There is an urgent need for the existing institution mandated to conduct such oversight and accountability to be adequately resourced —both in terms of financial resources and of personnel,— so that it can fulfil the role laid out for it in statute. This should include providing regular public reports on its investigations, especially those involving the lethal use of force, which should be reported regardless of the findings of the investigation regarding the appropriateness of the use of force in the circumstances.

The decentralised Australian policing system creates challenges for developing a nationwide picture of fatal police officer-involved shootings. While deaths in custody and fatal police officer-involved shootings are reported through AIC’s NDICP, there can often be a lag between the occurrence of a fatality and its official report. The lack of reporting of deaths in custody and/or fatalities associated with police-citizen interaction is a significant omission for police agencies within a highly democratic-aligned society. By comparison, New Zealand Police is the exemplar with open reporting of (1) deaths in police custody in their 2023 Annual Report56 and (2) police firearm usage in their newly established Environmental and Response Annual Report 2021.57 While New Zealand is advantaged with a single national police agency, their approach to data availability does not impinge oversight of such events by the courts, coroner, or the Independent Police Conduct Authority.

The following recommendations are made to improve data transparency, encourage community involvement in coronial inquests, and support the adoption of a continuous improvement environment:

  1. Australian police agencies to report deaths in custody and fatal police encounters in their annual reporting to increase transparency about fatal police-citizen encounters and overcome time lags associated with coronial inquests.
  2. Australian police agencies to report the use of near-fatal force in their annual reporting. Measures should include presentations of firearms, threats to shoot, and firearm discharges regardless of outcome.
  3. Australian police agencies to conduct policy, practice, and training reviews at regular periods (e.g., 5 years) so that policy, practice, and training may benefit from regular lessons-learnt insights. Scheduled reviews should pre-empt lessons learned from ad-hoc reviews ordered in response to critical trends (e.g., Project Beacon).
  4. Coronial inquests to improve family and community involvement with increased funding for legal representation. Increased participation provides improved outcomes for family members and builds police legitimacy in the community.
  5. Australian oversight bodies and police agencies to report aggregated counts of prosecutions and convictions of officers involved in the use of fatal force in annual reporting.

The National Law on the Use of Force contains some guidelines in terms of the effective regulation and verification of the use of lethal force. However, it also contains omissions and errors. Although the National Law on the Use of Force establishes the obligation to annually make public some data regarding use of force, it does not oblige the publication of disaggregated information on injuries or deaths. This information, however, is essential in order to properly evaluate the actions of the civilian police, military authorities and other law enforcement agents. It is therefore recommended that this law be revised and amended to fill these gaps.

Institutional policies on the use of force should also be devised so that they provide security agents with all the necessary conditions for the professional use of lethal and non-lethal force; ranging from regulations, training, psychological support, institutional culture, and the avoidance of unnecessary risks. These are currently lacking overall in Mexico.

There is a need for reports, such as police reports on the use of force, to be supervised, audited by external institutions and open for analysis by academia or NGOs. This obligation should extend to all institutions that use lethal force and not only those nationally involved in public security. The military, when conducting national or internal security should be obligated as well.

There should be ex officio investigations, both at the administrative and criminal levels, based on different thresholds of use of force. It must be ensured that investigations are carried out by personnel who are independent of the officials being investigated.

Early intervention systems need to be established so as to identify problematic patterns either from individuals, agencies or units. Proper training for law enforcement agents, as well as psychological assessment should be given. There should also be legal support to professionally defend the legitimate use of force, in particular lethal force.

This case study has assessed France across a range of internationally comparable indicators around the use of lethal force in policing and law enforcement, including: legal frameworks (including national and international law and regulations); policies and procedures around data collection, publication, analysis, investigations and lessons learnt; and comparative indicators for deaths following police use of force. Certain features of the system in France constitute relatively good practice when looked at internationally.

However, France needs to stop overlooking international (from Council of Europe to UN Committees) and national (Defender of Rights) bodies’ recommendations. Also, in recent years, a great deal of progress has been made in presenting official figures for people killed by the police, but it seems to us that this is still too much a case of political communication (creating figures with the sole aim of showing that the authorities are transparent and respect democratic principles) rather than a genuine open data policy designed to improve practice.

On legal frameworks (Part 1):

  • The 2017 law seems to have introduced a double confusion. A practical confusion about the rules governing the use of firearms by police officers, and a confusion of standards about the compatibility with the ECtHR principles. This law should be clarified to ensure it is clear and compatible with the ECHR.
  • While there have been several rulings against France by the ECtHR for breaches of the procedural dimension of Article 2 ECHR, and the Human Rights Defender has noted recurrent failings, the Interior Ministry and the Justice Ministry need to do more to ensure the independence and transparency of investigations into injuries and deaths connected with National Police or National Gendarmerie activities.

On comparative indicators and data quality (Part 3) we recommend that both the IGPN and the IGGN:

  • Provide more context about the fatalities, i.e. not to omit the different versions of the events, if there are several.
  • Provide more systematic data on gender.
  • Publish data about the nationality of victims and, if possible, the nationality of their parents, in a manner similar to what the TeO survey proposed.
  • Clarify the methodology used in gathering data. This is especially important for the IGGN, which gives no indication on this subject.
  • Improve the presentation of disaggregated data on deaths to avoid broad categories and facilitate identifying the context and cause of death. Although a degree of stability seems to have been achieved, enabling year-on-year comparisons to be made, there is still room for improvement, both in terms of the agencies’ individual data presentation and the need for a harmonised approach across both agencies. In the future, improved data presentation would make it easier to identify changes over the years, question practices and techniques, and facilitate comparisons between the two law enforcement agencies.

On analysis, investigations and the useability of data, we recommend that:

  • Both the IGPN and IGGN do more to analyse data on deaths and injuries, and on the use of force (involving firearms, other weapons or due to other forms of interaction) so as to make evidence-based recommendations about National Police and National Gendarmerie operations with a specific view to reducing the incidence of harm and death.
  • The IGGN in particular, and to a lesser extent the IGPN, provide clearer information about the outcomes of investigations than they did in the past. Both agencies now provide a little more data about internal investigations and disciplinary measures but this could still be improved, and it would be useful to have more specific data about the outcomes of the judicial investigations.
  • The IGGN in particular finds an appropriate balance between detail and readability in its reports. We note that its reports are becoming increasingly dense and, although this may be seen as a good sign in terms of apparent openness, we also note that the distinction between communication and information seems to be increasingly blurred.

We recommend that the police, gendarmerie and/or other relevant bodies:

  • Collect and publish statistics on deaths of law enforcement agents and staff.
  • Collect and publish data on the types of force used in any such fatal incidents.

This case study has assessed the Netherlands across a range of internationally comparable indicators around police use of lethal force, including: Legal frameworks (including national and international law and regulations); policies and procedures around data collection, publication, analysis, investigations and lessons learnt; and comparative indicators for deaths following police use of force.

The Netherlands has a clear procedure for the independent investigation of deaths of individuals who were subjected to use of force by police or who died while under control of the police. However, there is limited public information available about these investigations.

Police publish yearly statistics on their use of force. It is good to note that, following earlier recommendations, the detail and quality of these data have improved. As of July 2020, the way in which officers in the Netherlands need to report on the use of force and the way use of force is reviewed and judged have changed, a conscious attempt to decouple accountability procedures from learning processes. Independent research concluded that this attempt is an important step to identify and implement lessons learnt but that this is just the beginning of a process to create a learning culture with regard to use of force.

Information on fatalities is the responsibility of the public prosecutor’s office, which only publishes a yearly list of incidents involving the use of a firearm that have been investigated and the total number of fatalities. In individual cases (especially high-profile cases that received a lot of media attention) the public prosecutor’s office publishes a press release after an investigation has been concluded and a decision regarding prosecution of the officer has been taken, summarising the findings of the investigation and the reasons for the prosecutorial decision.

Certain features of the Dutch system constitute good practice when looked at internationally. However, in an area as important as deaths following police use of force, there is no room for complacency. Data collection and analysis with regard to fatalities should be improved and these data should be made public as a matter of course. Having said that, data collection and analysis will not, in themselves, bring about improvements and changes to policies and practices. These can only be achieved by learning the lessons from past experience.

This report on fatal shootings in Jamaica has illustrated more civilians dying than being wounded in encounters with the security forces, of which the majority of incidents are attributed to police officers. Further analysis of individual characteristics points to victims of fatal shootings being male dominated and the number of female as victims being low. The data analyzed revealed the average age of civilian victims being 30 years old. In terms of fatal shootings and youth, the latter featured in 30–43% of cases and the percentage of youth in shooting injury was lower at 28–32%. This report did not present the characteristics of police officers and soldiers who are victims in encounters with civilians. This data was unavailable. Among other data gaps evident in the preparation and writing of this report include race and ethnicity of participants in fatal shooting or shooting injury encounters. This data was also unavailable.

Based on the indicators for accessibility, transparency and justice, fatal shootings by members of security forces have been occurring in the context of external oversight and slow disciplinary and prosecutorial gains. However, there are notable gaps in what data is available. Part of the context is also the high number of deaths involving firearms in the country and an appreciation of the state contribution to this problem through fatal shooting by members of the security forces should be of concern.

Going forward the information is this report suggests that:

  1. A greater amount of resources should be directed to increasing the number of cases brought before disciplinary hearings. This would lead to a reduction in the backlog of cases being investigated. The numbers of fatal shootings occurring annually are high and more cases are being received, reported or investigated compared to recommendations and sanctions that are publicly known.
  2. Resources should be allocated towards the convergence of datasets on fatal police shootings so that there is a reduction in discrepancies in counts provided by the police and external oversight bodies such as INDECOM.
  3. More research needs to be done on fatal shootings to bring a wider understanding of individual, organizational and situational characteristics associated with these shootings. This could begin with capacity strengthening within units in the JCF and INDECOM for example, responsible for research and compilation of data.

A prevailing logic of conflict has affected the way the Colombian State has addressed criminal and social issues in the country over the past century, resulting in excessive use of force that sometimes appears to be legitimized by a portion of society. This leads to confusion between the concepts of citizen security and state security, in which the friend-enemy logic places citizens at risk and makes them vulnerable to police abuse. This serves as an indicator of the government’s and local authorities’ incapacity to effectively address social demands. However, this does not seem to be a uniquely Colombian situation, but rather one that is related to the regional and global context.

The use of armed forces, particularly the army, is not an exceptional occurrence in the country. Figures such as military assistance to ensure urban security are constant and generate risks in terms of the use of force and potential human rights violations. This phenomenon, which has been more prevalent in rural areas, now exhibits urban characteristics that must be considered.

One of the negative impacts of the armed conflict and the phenomenon of drug trafficking in Colombia has been the neglect of the preventive function by the police, which has instead prioritized reactive tasks in response to activities carried out by various groups. This emphasis has overshadowed the attention to social coexistence and citizen security, which corresponds to its fundamental mission.

The history of violence in Colombia has had an impact on the National Police, leading to its militarization in terms of command structure and training35. Regarding the Armed Forces, it can be said that they have dedicated almost all their efforts to combating armed groups operating outside the law or any other activity deemed related to them. During this struggle, the Armed Forces ended up assuming policing tasks unrelated to purely military operations and for which they are not always suited, such as urban surveillance, contraband control, road patrolling, prevention or control of rural marches, and civic strikes. Therefore, the role of civilians in decision-making regarding the use of force and the guidance of these agencies in different contexts is crucial. In this sense, there are responsibilities that have not been thoroughly analyzed or have remained purely political. Mayors, governors, ministers, and other civil authorities involved in operational and policy decisions have responsibilities when events that require the use of force take place, since the law enforcement agencies obey their directions and these agencies’ high commands are most of the time coupled with them. So, a decision that can result in an abuse of force by police and the military is not only a responsibility of the officer that committed it, but it also has a political responsibility since the civil authorities are the head commanders of these forces, therefore that must be explored36.

A broad discussion on lethal weapons policy is needed in the country. The regulation and use of these by law enforcement must go beyond manual guidelines and engage in complex discussions that consider the entire production, distribution, and end-user chain37.

Oversight and control remain a pending task for the authorities. The concerted exercise of authority by institutions such as the Office of the Inspector-General and the effective investigation by the Attorney General’s Office are necessary to achieve the rational use of force by police and the military forces. As long as such measures are not effectively developed, it will be impossible to properly recognize the issues associated with the use of force and advance in its control38.

More and improved mechanisms of information are necessary to understand use of force. These mechanisms must possess the necessary transparency to instill confidence in the information and analyses they produce. While the country has available, centralized and controlled official information, there is still a need for improvement39.

Criminal justice authorities offer an insufficient response to investigative and judicial needs arising from acts of violence by law enforcement. There is inadequate attribution of individual criminal responsibility. Thus, it would be important to establish or strengthen human rights units in certain regional branches of the General Attorney’s Office, with independent capabilities to address cases against members of law enforcement40.

Modifying Article 221 of the Constitution is important, so that military courts only handle offenses strictly related to military interests and allow ordinary justice to investigate and judge all acts of violence or corruption, whether associated with military service, police service or another kind41.

It is essential that there be full access to specific data on the use of force and that institutions publish regular reports. Colombia would benefit from a new National Law on the Use of Force that establishes the obligation to annually release reports containing the number of individuals who died due to the use of force. However, such reports should also provide information about cases of the use of force by law enforcement agencies (legitimate or illegitimate), the location of the incident, and the follow-up of the case. The records should be supervised, audited for quality, and open for use in external investigations. Moreover, the records should include all institutions employing lethal force, extending beyond the National Police.

This case study has assessed England and Wales across a range of internationally comparable indicators around police use of lethal force, including: legal frameworks (including national and international law and regulations); policies and procedures around data collection, publication, analysis, investigations and lessons learnt; and comparative indicators for deaths following police use of force. Certain features of the English and Welsh system constitute relatively good practice when looked at internationally. However, in an area as important as deaths following police use of force, there is no room for complacency. Regrettably, we note that recommendations from previous reports (including the Angiolini report, amongst others) have yet to be fully addressed. As such, we refer the reader to the recommendations in our previous report, which pertain predominantly to Section 2 of this case study remain unchanged, and unaddressed. Please see Appendix A for these recommendations in full. Additionally, the added research conducted for Section 1 (legal frameworks) and Section 3 (comparative indicators) of this case study has also highlighted some further areas to be addressed as follows.

On legal frameworks (Part 1)

We recommend that the State, police and College of Policing should ensure that:

  • The law and legal frameworks applying to the use of force (whether criminal or civil) hold officers to account and permit convictions of State agents where necessary, both in theory and in practice. Following the W80 case, this may represent an opportunity to review, through a public, consultative and transparent process, the legal framework that applies to State agents who use force and any training implications.
  • guidance (APP) for the use of all less lethal weapons and use of force is published and in line with international norms and standards, including recommendations made by UN bodies.
On comparative indicators (Part 3)

We recommend that the IOPC:

  • Use a more inclusive definition of police use of force / restraint. We note that, at present, police restraint is defined as referring “to a range of actions, including physical holds and pressure compliance. It does not include the routine use of handcuffs, unless another form of restraint was also used”103. This arguably excludes handcuffing as a use of force in its own right and a more inclusive definition —including handcuffs as a use of force— would be helpful.
  • Clearly disaggregate deaths following police use of force in its Deaths During or Following Police Contact report, both in the main text and in the tables in the Appendix, in order to allow readers to see clearly at a glance how many deaths have followed police use of force and a clear description of each of these cases. These deaths should also be disaggregated by key demographic groups, including ethnicity and gender. This echoes a number of previous recommendations in this area; indeed, as the report by INQUEST notes, “there is still no publicly available ethnic breakdown for all deaths following police restraint — despite it being a key recommendation of the Angiolini report”.
  • Provide clarity about when force was used a) by members of the public and b) by officers and a clearer description of each of the cases where force was used in order to avoid any confusion or ambiguity where possible; we appreciate there may be times where the full facts are not available at the time the report goes to press.
  • Ensure that independent investigations are conducted into all deaths following police use of force; that all such deaths are captured in the IOPC report; and that these investigations are conducted effectively, so as to avoid (wherever possible) the need to reopen investigations at a later date, and promptly, so as to minimise delays.
  • Ensure the IOPC provides clear reasons for its decisions so as to support public understanding and confidence in the system.
We recommend that the Home Office, police agencies and / or other relevant bodies:
  • Collect and publish statistics on deaths of police officers and staff, and on the types of force used in any such fatal attacks.
  • Collect and publish data on the number of civilians and police officers and staff who receive non-fatal injuries in use of force incidents. This should include, but not be limited to, cases where people are injured following the use of firearms by the police. This will likely involve changes to the national use of force data collection system, which currently collects injury data but not in a readily accessible manner.
  • Compile national data for both Home Office and non-Home Office forces on other key indicators, including arrests, staffing levels and their gender breakdown.
  • Disaggregate this information by ethnicity, gender and other relevant demographic characteristics.

However, we again underscore that data collection and analysis will not, in themselves, bring about improvements, and changes to policies and practices. These can only be achieved by learning the lessons from past deaths and implementing the previous recommendations made in this regard.

In Venezuela, for any list of recommendations on this matter to make sense, a Social State of Law must preexist with minimal democratic legitimacy, balance of powers, autonomous and independent justice institutions, and political opposition. Although no real State fully meets these conditions, the Venezuelan case is quite far from these goals. Without a prior political solution to this democratic deficit, the materialization of recommendations —sometimes eminently technical— is difficult to achieve. Without political and institutional conditions, these attempts at sectoral recipe books could be perceived as decontextualized or statements of good wishes. The solution to creating those conditions lies far beyond this modest report.

Regarding legislation, it has already been stated that Venezuela has an advanced regulatory block on police matters and the use of force but that it is not applied or made effective in reality or institutionally. In the case of Venezuela, the problem nor the solution is normative or legal in nature; rather, it is institutional and political68.

In general terms, the State must report on cases of deaths due to the intervention of public forces in detailed and freely accessible documents, with national totals broken down by States, municipalities, and parishes, with general information about the victims and the responsible state actors. Likewise, the investigations and judicial processes carried out on these cases must be accounted for. Sufficient power and autonomy to the external control bodies of the police must be given so that they carry out the corresponding legal and criminal responsibilities. The National Executive should not publicly encourage or promote the excessive and arbitrary use of lethal force; on the contrary, it should condemn these practices. Finally, the denunciation of the American Convention on Human Rights must be reversed, and the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Organization of American States must be recognized.

Monitoring and evaluating citizen security variables through the Units of Access to Public Information (UAIP) has become increasingly difficult due to many variables being declared confidential, and disaggregations being declared confidential as well, resulting in limited access to information from official sources. Specifically, it is no longer possible to obtain information from the General Directorate of Penitentiary Centers, the Attorney General’s Office, and the Institute of Legal Medicine, and only limited information can be obtained from the National Civil Police. Additionally, the Ministry of National Defense has started declaring several requests as “confidential” in 2023.

This limitation is concerning in the context of a state of exception, as it is not possible to statistically determine the number of incarcerated individuals, the overcrowding rate in detention centers, deaths of incarcerated individuals, the number of crimes, whether abuses of force by public security agents are being recorded and sanctioned, the number of military and police personnel involved in public security tasks, among other citizen security variables that allow for monitoring and evaluating the security context and the state of exception.

It is also important to note that many of the information classifications are justified on security grounds; however, the requested information is purely statistical and does not require the release of sensitive information such as names or unique identification documents.

It is necessary for institutions to review these classifications; otherwise, citizen oversight based on official sources will become increasingly unviable.

Recommendations

  1. Review and revise the confidentiality classifications of information related to citizen security variables to ensure transparency and accountability.
  2. Enhance cooperation and data sharing between relevant institutions, such as the General Directorate of Penitentiary Centers, the Attorney General’s Office, the Institute of Legal Medicine, and the National Civil Police, to ensure comprehensive and accurate monitoring and evaluation of citizen security.
  3. Strengthen the capacity of Units of Access to Public Information (UAIP) to effectively monitor and evaluate citizen security variables, including providing necessary resources and training.
  4. Promote the use of anonymized data and aggregate statistics to address security concerns while still providing access to important information for monitoring and evaluation purposes.
  5. Encourage public institutions to prioritize transparency and accountability in their operations, ensuring that information related to citizen security is readily accessible to the public.

By implementing these measures, it is possible to overcome the limitations in monitoring and evaluating citizen security variables and ensure a more transparent and accountable approach to public security.

This study assessed the police use of lethal force in the Philippines for 2022 in three aspects: Legal frameworks in place relating to police use of force, policies and procedures on data collection and analysis in relation to lethal force, and comparative indicators in the use and abuse of lethal force in the country.

On legal frameworks (Part 1):

We recommend that the Office of the President should:

  • Lead in ending the culture of impunity by suspending “License to Kill” under the Anti-Illegal Drug Campaign, directing concerned agencies such as the Commission on Human Rights and the Department of Justice through the National Bureau of Investigation to conduct full and transparent investigations of human rights violations by state actors, and support recommendations of the CHR and DOJ, to uphold commitment in protecting and respecting human rights.
  • Spearhead a holistic, human-rights based strategy towards national development that has more focus on social determinants and less on a heavy-handed approach to law enforcement.
  • Welcome independent investigations on extrajudicial killings in the Philippines and support efforts of the international community in the global protection of human rights.
  • Provide a specific list of law enforcement agencies and personnel ranks that are allowed to possess service firearms and weapons, ensuring that service firearms of discharged, dismissed, and AWOL agents are promptly and completely surrendered.
  • Ensure implementation of routine inspection of service firearms and investigate alleged misfirings that resulted from service arm cleaning.
  • Ensure that regulations on the use of force, such as the continuum on the use of force, wearing of body cams, proper incident documentation and impartial investigations, are fully implemented.
  • Strengthen the People’s Freedom of Information, through thorough review of the detailed list of exceptions to the FOI and the quality of data released through FOI requests.

On policies and procedures (Part 2):

As stated in the report, there is much to improve in terms of data collection on the use of lethal force in the country and in terms of data analysis. There is a lack of transparency on data on the number of PSAs and Civilians killed or injured due to lethal force and the progress with DOJ independent investigations on the use of police force in the anti-illegal drug campaign or other police intervention campaigns.

We recommend that the PNP should:

  • Be subject to an automatic death investigation by a third party, either the CHR or the NAPOLCOM, in all cases where agents of the State are involved. At present, if there is no complainant or complaint before the police, homicide cases are not worked on unless there is a public outcry, such as if the killings proved to be a sensational story in the media. It must be recalled that any police officer’s discharge of a firearm is supposed to be subject to an automatic review of the police’s own IAS; the Police has not released any data to suggest that this mandate is being carried out.
  • Resume the regular public release of statistics on the use of lethal force for the anti-illegal drug campaign through #RealNumbersPH or other publicly available material, ensuring that data is of high quality and data collection and analysis methodology is explained.
  • Regularly release written official reports on the use of lethal force in the Philippines, including complete statistics on the police use of lethal force in all police campaigns, investigations, and interventions executed through interagency efforts. This is however a tall order, given the police’s and the military’s extensive list of exceptions to Freedom of Information requests for access as provided for by Executive Order No. 2 (2016) by then-president Rodrigo Duterte, and updated by Memorandum Circular No. 15 (2023) by the current Marcos administration.
  • PNP HRAO should resume/continue engagements with Civil Society Organizations to discuss police use of force and human rights concerns including issues of arrest, ill treatment, deaths in detention, alleged abduction by police, and alleged misfirings.
  • Ensure proper implementation of human-rights based policing based on the PNP standard operation manual and Human Rights-Based Policing Manual, as well as consequences for agents violating these guidelines.

We recommend that the DOJ should:

  • Conduct impartial and prompt investigation of civilian deaths directly involving PSAs or following police contact.

We recommend that CSOs should:

  • Engage in discussion on the creation of comparable monitoring systems for lethal force in the Philippines, conduct independent monitoring on the use of lethal force in the Philippines, and make these publicly available for critique and cross-validation.

On comparative indicators (Part 3):

We recommend that LEAs should:

  • Disaggregate data by sex and age in accomplishment reports, such as in the case of the PNP Annual Accomplishment Report, in line with gender mainstreaming rules and regulations
  • Include the total number of active uniformed personnel in COA reports and Annual Accomplishment Reports of different LEAs, with data disaggregated by sex in accordance with gender mainstreaming policies

For future lethal force monitoring in the Philippines and in the LFM network, those involved should:

  • Review the operational definition of lethal force, to include cases of alleged misfiring of PSAs against civilians or alleged misfiring of PSA or suicide towards themselves
  • Include a sub-item to tag police intervention by specific police campaign (i.e. anti-insurgency or anti-illegal drugs)

In the last twenty years, Chile has been experiencing important changes in terms of public safety, both in terms of the behavior of criminality and the institutional response to it. On the one hand, there is evidence of an increase in criminal violence, reflected in increasing but moderate homicide rates (in 2018 there was a rate of 4.5 homicides per 100 thousand inhabitants while in 2022 it will be 6.7) and in the prevalence of firearms as a means to commit them (in 2018 it corresponded to 42% of all completed homicides while in 2022 it will be 53.9%). On the other hand, in the process of democratic consolidation, the institutional framework has been progressively incorporating human rights standards and rules for law enforcement officers, which is reflected in the implementation of the accusatory criminal procedure (replacing an inquisitorial one) since 2000; the creation of the National Institute of Human Rights (INDH) in 2011; and the development of the first protocols for the use of force in 2012 for the Carabineros de Chile, among other important milestones.

To the above should be added that police institutions are amongst those that have generated greater trust in citizens over the last 20 years. However, this was affected between the years 2018 and 2020, due to facts firstly regarding the lack of probity of Carabineros and subsequently due to excessive use of force during the ‘social outburst’ of October 2019. These events motivated a police reform process still underway, which incorporates a cross-cutting approach to human rights13.

In this context, the regulation of the use of force has been debated in recent years, particularly with respect to the restrictions that international standards would impose on the ‘fight against crime’, since it would imply limitations on police action. This explains, to some extent, why there is no law that comprehensively regulates the use of force, but rather institutional instruments of diverse nature and scope that fail to address it in a comprehensive and systemic manner. It also explains that, at the same time, legislation is being passed to increase police protection through regulations such as the so-called Naim-Retamal law, which broadens the concept of legitimate self-defense for police officers who use force.

Although significant progress has been made with the drafting of protocols, this seems to be the only aspect with relevant development, as little or no change has been made to the procedures related to the registration of cases and administrative procedures (internal), their publicity and access and use of information (internal and external). In terms of the criminal investigation of cases, the most relevant milestone rooted in the prosecuting body (Prosecutor’s Office) corresponds to the creation of a unit for human rights, gender violence and sexual crimes in 2017, which will later be constituted as a specialized unit in human rights to provide advice on this matter to prosecutors throughout the country in cases related to the actions of state agents.

Some recommendations on these regards, proposed by the Chilean Chapter of the Lethal Force Monitor, are presented here:

  • Produce a body of regulations with the status of law and deliberated in democratic spaces that guarantees adherence to international standards, as well as the mechanisms of supervision and accountability to which law enforcement officers, commanders and institutional decisions of the highest hierarchy must be subject. It must be applicable to all police organizations and to those that may eventually be called upon to perform law enforcement duties.
  • An information mechanism is required to provide access to micro-data on events occurring during the use of lethal and less lethal weapons. This information system should make it possible to trace the cases and to know the administrative and criminal outcome (when applicable) associated with them.
  • The system of general training and specific training in law and order must be carefully examined.
  • Externally review the procedures of both administrative and criminal investigations, so that they are oriented towards a better police function with full respect for constitutional guarantees, human rights and international rules on the matter. To this end, investigations into deaths resulting from the intervention of State agents should be based on the hypothesis of homicide, which may be verified or ruled out in favor of legitimate self-defense. These investigations should always be carried out by an agency or, failing that, a unit other than the one to which the officer under investigation is attached, in order to guarantee the impartiality of the procedure.
  • Finally, it will be important to create internal oversight committees to analyze cases, whose main function will be to generate recommendations for preventive measures and to promote behaviors and attitudes conducive to better police work, particularly with respect to the use of lethal and less lethal weapons.